BANDUNG

This article is actually from "A Sobana Hardjasaputra", but bludgeons his fault that the share again, good for improving the earth we love this parahyangan. most young people today have forgotten the history of Bandung that used in the proud. so I share again here. cekidot ...

Regarding the origin of the name "Bandung", put forward various opinions. Some say that the word "Bandung" in Sundanese, synonymous with the word "appeal" in Indonesian, means side by side. Ngabanding (Sunda) means contiguous or adjacent. This is among others expressed in Indonesian dictionary published by Balai Besar Reader (1994) and Sundanese-Indonesian dictionary published by Pustaka Setia (1996), that word means in pairs and mean bandung also side by side.

Bandung Lake in old map

Another opinion says that the word "bandung" means big or large. The word comes from the word milk. In Sundanese, ngabandeng means vast pool of water and looked Timbanganten with Tegalluar capital. The kingdom is under the domination of the Kingdom of Sunda-Pajajaran. Since the mid-15th century, the Kingdom Timbanganten hereditarily ruled by King Pandaan Measure, Dipati the Great, and Dipati Ukur. In the reign of Dipati Ukur, Tatar Ukur is an area which is quite extensive, covering most areas of West Java, consists of nine regional called "Measure Sasanga".

After the Kingdom of Sunda-Pajajaran collapse (1579/1580) due to Forces movement of offerings in an effort to spread Islam in West Java, Tatar Ukur become the Kingdom's territory Sumedanglarang, successors Pajajaran Kingdom. Sumedanglarang Kingdom was founded and ruled the first time by King Geusan Ulun on (1580-1608), with its capital in Kutamaya, a place which is located west of Sumedang now. The kingdom's territory covers an area then called Priangan, except Galuh area (now called Ciamis).

When the kingdom was ruled by Raden Sumedang bans Suriadiwangsa, stepchild Geusan Ulun of RTU Harisbaya, Sumedanglarang into Mataram territory since 1620. Since then the status Sumedanglarang any changes from the kingdom into districts under the name Sumedang District. Mataram make Priangan as a region in western defenses against possible attacks Banten forces, and or Company based in Batavia, because of Mataram under Sultan Agung (1613-1645) hostile to the Company and the conflict with the Sultanate of Banten.

To oversee the Priangan, Sultan Agung lift Raden Aria Suradiwangsa be Wedana Regent (Regent Chief) in Priangan (1620-1624), with the title of Prince Rangga Gempol Kusumadinata, known as Rangga Gempol I.

In 1624 the great Emperor ordered Rangga Gempol I to conquer the Sampang (Madura). Therefore, the position represented Regent Wedana Priangan of younger princes Rangga Gempol I Dipati Rangga Gede. Shortly after Prince Dipati Rangga Gede served as Regent Wedana, Sumedang attacked by forces of Banten. Since most forces left Sumedang Sampang, Prince Dipati Rangga Gede unable to cope with the attack. As a result, he received a political sanction of Sultan Agung. Prince Dipati Rangga Gede held in Mataram. Regent Position Wedana Priangan submitted to Dipati Ukur, provided that he should be able to seize power Batavia of the Company.

Sultan Agung in 1628 ordered Dipati Ukur to help troops attacked the Mataram Company in Batavia. But the attack failed. Dipati Ukur realize that as a consequence of the failure that he will receive punishment similar to that received by Prince Dipati Rangga big, or a heavier punishment again. Therefore Dipati Ukur and their followers to rebel against Mataram. After the attacks on the Company fails, they do not come to Mataram report the failure of his duty. Dipati Ukur actions were considered by the party as a rebellion against the rulers of Mataram kingdom of Mataram.

Dipati Ukur occurrence of insubordination and his followers made possible, partly because of the Mataram difficult to monitor directly Priangan region, due to the distance between the center of Mataram Kingdom with regional Priangan. Theoretically, if the area is very far from the centers of power, the power center in the region are very weak. However, thanks to the assistance some areas in Priangan Head, Mataram party to quell the rebellion finally Dipati Ukur. According to Soil History (Chronicle), Dipati Ukur caught on Mount Barn (Bandung district) in the year 1632.

After the "rebellion" Dipati Ukur deemed concluded, Sultan Agung handed back office to the Prince Regent Wedana Priangan Dipati Rangga Gede who has been free from punishment. In addition, reorganization of government in Priangan to stabilize the situation and condition of the area. Priangan area outside Sumedang and Galuh divided into three districts, namely Bandung District, County and District Parakanmuncang Sukapura raised by three regional heads of Priangan which is considered to have contributed to quell the rebellion Dipati Ukur.

Third person referred to is the regional head Astamanggala Ki, was appointed head nurse pennant Cihaurbeuti great (regent) of Bandung with a degree Tumenggung Wiraangunangun, Tanubaya as regent Parakanmuncang and Ngabehi Wirawangsa became regent Sukapura with Wiradadaha Tumenggung title. The three men were sworn in together on the basis "Piagem Sultan Agung", issued on Saturday the 9th of Muharam Year Alip (Javanese calendar). Thus, on 9 Muharam Taun Alip not just an anniversary of Bandung Kabupagten but at the same time as the anniversary Sukapura District and County Parakanmuncang.

Bandung 1800

The establishment of Bandung regency, means in Bandung area changes occur mainly in the areas of government. The area originally was part (subordinate) of the kingdom (the Kingdom of Sunda-Pajararan then Sumedanglarang) with an unclear status, turned into a region with a clear administrative sttus, namely district.

After the third regent appointed Mataram in central government, they return to their respective regions. Sadjarah Bandung (manuscript) states that the Regent of Bandung Tumeggung Wiraangunangun along with his followers from returning to the Tatar Ukur Mataram. The first time they come to Timbanganten. Where the regent of Bandung get 200 count.

Next Tumenanggung Wiraangunangun together people build Krapyak, a place located on the shores near the mouth of the Citarum River Sungat Cikapundung, (suburb of the southern part of Bandung Regency) as the district capital. As the central area of ​​Bandung regency, Krapyak and the surrounding area called Earth chick Gede.

Bandung District administrative area under the influence of Mataram (until the end of the 17th century), not known for sure, because accurate source that contains data about it is not / has not been found. According to native sources, the early stages of data covering several areas of Bandung regency, among others, Tatar Ukur, including area Timbanganten, Kuripan, Sagaraherang, and partly Tanahmedang.

Perhaps, the area outside the District Priangan Sumedang, Parakanmuncang, Sukapura and Galuh, which originally was Tatar territory Measure (Measure Sasanga) in the reign of Dipati Ukur, an administrative area of ​​Bandung regency at that time. If the allegations are true, then the capital of Bandung regency with Krapyak, its territory includes the area Timbanganten, Gandasoli, Adiarsa, Cabangbungin, Banjaran, Cipeujeuh, Majalaya, Cisondari, cavities, Kopo, Ujungberung and others, including area Kuripan, Sagaraherang and Tanahmedang.

Bandung regency as one of the district which formed the Kingdom of Mataram, and under the influence of royal authority, the system of government in Bandung Regency has a system of government of Mataram. Regent has a variety of symbols greatness, special guards and armed soldiers. Symbol and attributes it adds a big and strong power and influence over his people Bupti.

The amount of power and influence of the regents, among others, indicated by the possession of the privileges normally dmiliki by the king. These rights are the rights referred to inherit the position, only to collect taxes in money and goods, ha obtained a labor (Ngawula), hunting and fishing rights and the right to prosecute.

With very limited direct supervision of the rulers of Mataram, it is no wonder if that time Regent of Bandung in particular and generally Priangan Regents ruling like a king. He ruled over the people and regions. Pemerinatahn System regent and lifestyle is miniature of palace life. In performing its duties, the regent assisted by his subordinate officials, such as governor, prosecutors, rulers, village headman or chief cutak (head of district), district (chief assistant district), patinggi (headman or village leader) and others.

Bandung regency under the influence of the Mataram until the end of 1677. Then Bandung regency in the hands of the Company. This It occurs due to Mataram-VOC agreement (first agreement) December 19 to 20 October 1677. Under the authority of the Company (1677-1799), Regent of Bandung and other Regents Priangan still serves as the supreme ruler of the district, with no bureaucratic ties with the Company.

District government system basically does not have changes, because the Company only demanded that the regents recognize the power of the Company, with a guarantee to sell certain products of the earth to the VOC. In this case, the regents must not engage in political relations and trade with other parties. One thing that changed was the office of regent Wedana removed. Instead, the Company raised Prince Aria Cirebon as a supervisor (opzigter) area of ​​Cirebon-Priangan (Cheribonsche Preangerlandan).

One of the main obligations of the regents of the Company is obliged to carry out the planting of certain crops, especially coffee, and deliver results. The system is called Preangerstelsel compulsory planting. Meanwhile, the regents must maintain security and order in his territory. Regents also must not appoint or dismiss employees without consideration of subordinates regent regent ruler of the Company or the Company in Cirebon. For the regents to implement obligations of the latter well, the influence of the regent in the field of religion, including income from that field, such as the penis nature, are not bothered whether the regents and the people (farmers) get paid upon delivery of a large coffee determined by the Company.

Until the end of the power of VOC-VOC end in 1779, Bandung regency capital is Krapyak. During the Bandung regency ruled for generations by the six regents. Tumenggung Wiraangunangun (the first regent) ankatan Mataram who ruled until 1681. Five other regents are force the regents of the Company namely Tumenggung Ardikusumah who ruled in 1681-1704, Tumenggung Anggadireja I (1704-1747), Tumenggung Anggadireja II (1747-1763), R. Anggadireja III with a degree of RA Wiranatakusumah I (1763-1794) and RA Wiranatakusumah II who ruled from 1794 until 1829. In the reign of regents RA Wiranatakusumah II, moved the capital of Bandung Regency from Karapyak to the city of Bandung.

The establishment of Bandung

When the Bandung regency led by the Regent RA Wiranatakusumah II, the powers of the Company on the archipelago ended due to the VOC went bankrupt (December 1799). Power in the archipelago then taken over by the Government of the Netherlands East Indies with the first Governor-General Herman Willem Daendels (1808-1811).

In line with change of power in the Dutch East Indies, Bandung regency circumstances change. Changes in the first place is to transfer the capital district of the southern region Krapyak in Bandung to Bandung, which was; etak in the middle area of ​​the district.

Between January 1800 to end December 1807 in the archipelago in general and in Java in particular, occur foreign power vacuum (invaders), because although the Governor-General of the Company is still there, but he had no power. For the regents, during the vacuum power means the loss of the burden of obligations to be fulfilled for the benefit of a foreign ruler (invaders). Thus, they can devote attention to the interests of local governments respectively. This would occur also in Bandung Regency.

According to the script Sadjarah Bandung, Bandung in 1809 Regent Wiranatakusumah II along with a number of people moved from Karapyak to the area north of the land going to the capital. At that time the land would Bandung still forested, but in the north existing settlements, namely Kampung Cikapundung conservative, Kampung Cikalintu, and Villages Bogor. According to the script, the Regent RA Wiranatakusumah II moved to the city of Bandung after he settled in temporary shelters for two and a half years.

Originally regents living in Cikalintu (Cipaganti area) and then he moved Balubur Downstream. When Deandels Cikapundung inaugurate the construction of the bridge (bridge at Jl. Asia Africa Building near PLN now), Regent of Bandung was there. Deandels with Regent over the bridge and then they walk eastward to one place (in front of the Office of Public Works Jl. Asia Africa now). In that place deandels plugging rod and said: "Zorg, dat als ik terug kom hier een stad is gebouwd!" (Try, if I come back here, a city has built! ". Apparently Deandels wants city center was built in the place.

Peanger Hotel 1910

As a follow-up of his word, Deandels asked Regent Bandung and Parakanmuncang to move the capital of each district to the nearby Jalan Raya Pos. Deandels request was submitted by letter dated May 25, 1810.

beauty of the city of Bandung Regency Bandung in conjunction with the appointment of Raden Suria became Patih Parakanmuncang. Both momentum is confirmed by besluit (decree) dated September 25, 1810. This date is also the date of Decree (besluit), the formal judicial (dejure) designated as the City Anniversary Bandung.

Perhaps the regents began domiciled in Bandung after there in the first district where the building marquee. Certainly the marquee district is the first building constructed for the central government activities Bandung regency.

Based on data from various sources, the development of fully Bandung carried out by a number of people under the leadership of Regent Bandung RA Wiranatakusumah II. Therefore, it can be said that the regents RA Wiranatakusumah II is the founder of (the founding father) of Bandung.
The development of the city of Bandung and its strategic location in the middle Priangan, has encouraged the emergence of the idea of ​​the Dutch East Indies government in 1856 to move Capital Keresiden Priangan from Cianjur to Bandung. The idea for a variety of new things realized in 1864. Based Besluit Governor-General dated August 7, 1864 No.18, Bandung defined as the central government Priangan Residency. Thus, since then the city of Bandung has a double function, namely as the Capital District as well as the capital of Bandung Residency Priangan. At that time, who became Regent of Bandung is Wiranatakusumah RA IV (1846-1874).

In line with the development function, in the city of Bandung was built buildings in the area Cicendo prefecture (now the Home Office of the Governor of West Java) and a government hotel. The building was completed residency in 1867.

 The development occurred after the Bandung railway transport operations to and from the city since 1884. Because the city of Bandung serves as a center of railroad transportation "West Lin", it has encouraged the development of life in the city of Bandung with the increase in population from year to year.

At the end of the 19th century, the population of the European group number has reached thousands of people and demands an autonomous institution that can take care of their interests. Meanwhile the central government realized the failure of centralized government system following the implementation of its impact. Therefore, the government arrive at a policy to replace the system of government with a system of decentralization, decentralization not only in finance, but also decentralization in the field of government granting autonomy (zelfbestuur)

 In this case, the government of Bandung regency under the leadership of Regent RAA Martanagara (1893-1918) welcomed the idea of ​​the colonial government. Ongoing autonomous government in Bandung, means the district gets a special budget fund from the previous colonial government did not exist.

Under the Decentralization Act (Decentralisatiewet) issued in 1903 and the Decree on decentralization (Decentralisasi Besluit) and the Local Council Ordinance (Ordinance Raden Locale) from the date of 1 April 1906 set as the gemeente (municipality) the governing otonomom. The decision further strengthens the function of the city of Bandung as a center of government, especially Dutch Colonial government in Bandung. Originally Gemeente Bandung
Led by the Assistant Resident Priangan as Chairman of the Board of the City (Gemeenteraad), but since 1913, led by burgemeester gemeente (mayor).

By: A. Sobana Hardjasaputra

Indonesian Youth Pledge (Sumpah Pemuda)

Every 28th. October, Indonesia commemorates Youth Pledge Day, or Hari Sumpah Pemuda. On this day in 1928, some 78 years ago, Indonesian youths, hailing from different ethnic groups and islands in the then Netherlands East Indies, convened a 2-day Youth Congress in Batavia - present-day Jakarta. At the end of this historic meeting these youths pledged their commitment to: One Homeland " Indonesia (meaning the territory of then Netherlands East Indies), One Nation " the Indonesian Nation, and One Language " Bahasa Indonesia.

Jong Java

At the time, the archipelago was still a colony of the Netherlands, and Indonesia was a new word. But still the youth pledged to fight for that one dream homeland, and the creation of that one nation called Indonesia.

As for a national language, in 1928 the Indonesian islands had no common language, each of the more than 300 ethnic groups inhabiting this archipelago had its own language. Nonetheless, the Congress chose Bahasa Indonesia, which was based on the Malay language,- to be Indonesias national language, for two reasons " so explained Prof. Sunario, my father, to me as a child.

Youth Pledge

Firstly it was a language that many understood, since the rough variety was commonly spoken in trade and commercial negotiations throughout the islands. But secondly, and most importantly it was democratic. The natural way out for the youths would have been to choose the Javanese language to be Indonesias common language, since the Javanese ethnic group was by far the largest compared to any other ethnic group, while the Javanese language and culture are very sophisticated and refined. However, the Javanese language was not at all democratic, since it consisted of different levels of language depending on ones social status and the status of the person one spoke to. Thus, for the sake of democracy, the new Bahasa Indonesia was chosen to be Indonesias national language.

Who were these patriotic youths?

These young people, who later came to be the founding fathers of the Republic of Indonesia were no upstart students. Many were young university graduates, young lawyers, economists, doctors, engineers, who had graduated from prestigious universities among which were Leiden and Rotterdam in the Netherlands, Stovia in Batavia (now Jakarta) and the Technical Institute in Bandung.

Moehammad Yamin, a Youth Pledge stalwart, later reported that the meeting had brought together youths who had grouped themselves into associations called Java Youths, Sumatra Youths, Islamic Association Youths, Batak Youths, Celebes (now Sulawesi) Youths, Batavia Youths, and the Association of Indonesian Students, - all these attended the Youth Congress held on 27 to 28 October 1928 in Jakarta

But the historic Youth Pledge that remains the foundation of the Republic, did not emerge out of the blue during two days of discussions.It had been thought out and discussed long before. Dr. Asvi Warman Adam, Indonesian historian, writing in Kompas of 28 October 2002 , said that Sartono Kartodirdjo once explained that in 1925,- three years prior to the Youth Congress, - the Indonesian Association students union (Perhimpunan Indonesia) in Holland had issued a Political Manifesto, expressing the aspiration to establish a modern Indonesian nation built on unity, equality and liberty for all the people of the archipelago. This Manifesto had inspired the Youth Pledge of 1928.

One personality who, according to Warman Adam, played a major active role at both these historic events was Prof Mr Sunario. At the 1925 meeting in Holland, Sunario together with Mohammad Hatta (later to become co-Proclamator of the Declaration of Independence in 1945 and Indonesias first Vice President) were in the leadership of that student union. Sunario was then Secretary II, and Hatta was Treasurer I. After graduating in Law from the University of Leiden, Sunario returned home. In Jakarta, Sunario continued to defend Indonesian activists in the Dutch colonial court and further pushed the convening of the 1928 Congress. At the 1928 Youth Congress, Sunario was legal adviser and speaker, said Warman.

The Youth Pledge thus became the cornerstone in the formation of the dream Republic: the Indonesian archipelago that consisted of more than 17,000 islands, inhabited by more than 300 ethnic groups, and variously colonized by the Dutch in the course of three centuries. This was going to become the homeland for all people inhabiting the islands - united as one nation " the Indonesian nation, united in the one State " the Indonesian State, and speaking one common language " Bahasa Indonesia.

Therefore, analyzing the above principles, we can ascertain that the youths of that time were already very much aware, that in order to create a country and a nation, there must be a territorial claim, and a united multi-ethnic people to oust its colonizers. These youths were, moreover, determined that the Indonesia of their dreams must be a democratic, pluralistic and unitary Republic, not a nation that is based on feudal power and feudalism.

It was only 17 years after the 1928 Youth Pledge, at the close of World War II, on 17 August 1945, when Soekarno and Hatta, on behalf of the people of Indonesia, finally proclaimed the Independence of Indonesia. And, based on the Youth Pledge principles and spirit, there emerged the 1945 Constitution, the 5 Principles of State, Pancasila, and the Indonesian national slogan :Bhinneka Tunggal Ika " meaning Unity in Diversity.

What is a Nation?

But how can peoples from so many different ethnic groups and backgrounds form one nation? And how can such a nation hope to receive international recognition?

Prof. Sunario, in a speech to the Jakarta Rotary Club in 1984, entitled The Meaning of Sumpah Pemuda (the Youth Pledge) for Our National Existence and Survival, explained as follows: According to (earlier) theories (but) now regarded as being out of date, a nation is a large group of people of a common a) racial composition, or with a same b) religion, or c) culture, or d) same language.

But Ernest Renans definition in his famous address in 1883 at the Sorbonne University in Paris entitled: Quest ce quune nation? (What is a Nation?) changed this concept which also has application in international law.

A nation " according to Renan " is a large group of people who have a common desire to live together (le dsir de vivre ensemble) and to form a nation state on the ground that they had a long period of a shared lot together, in particular (because they had experienced) the same sufferings.

Renans theory was then enthusiastically accepted by our students in Holland in their struggle for Indonesias independence, continued Sunario, and also during the same time of the Sumpah Pemuda. Our sense of belonging together proved to be the best way to fight the divide et impera policy of the Dutch, Sunario said.

Therefore, to aspire to become one nation, the Indonesian people did not need to be of the same race, religion, culture or language. What was required was the will of the people to form one nation, together, based on common sufferings experienced during a long period in history. Thus, the Youth Pledge was a social contract pledged by ethnic groups inhabiting Indonesia, and embracing various religions, who expressed the wish to become united in one nation, based on the fact that they had commonly suffered through centuries under the yoke of Dutch colonialism.

Nonetheless, continues Sunario: Next to our Pancasila ideology which implies tolerance among ourselves in spite of religious and other differences, (but which is )also aimed at universal peace, (today) we have to remain conscious of the fact that the world still exists everywhere of competing nation states We, still in this phase of underdevelopment as the result of foreign domination, are therefore compelled to consistently preserve and strengthen our national unity, identity, and independence and of course our preparedness to defend ourselves against foreign interference, intervention and oppression.

In this most difficult period, Sunario continued, National unity, economic and military strength but also good diplomacy are felt imperative as the four most important and most needed elements for our national strength and the preservation of our national interests and ideals. Let us therefore bear this in mind : Sekali bersatu- tetap bersatu, sekali merdeka " tetap merdeka " (Once united, for ever united ; once free, for ever free).

A private footnote here. For my family, the 1928 Indonesian Youth Pledge Day on 28 October 1928, holds a special place in our hearts. For this was also the moment that my father, Sunario, then a young Moslem lawyer, age 26, newly graduated from the prestigious Law University in Leiden and hailing from East Java, set eyes on and immediately fell in love with my mother, Dien Pantouw. Dien was Christian and came from far away Manado, but on this historic day she portrayed on stage the beautiful Ibu Pertiwi, Mother Indonesia. My father, already imbued with ardent nationalism and the idea of creating an independent Indonesia, could not help but fall in love with this lovely personification of Indonesia.

This event also showed that even in those very early days, men and women, boys and girls fought the struggle of independence together, side by side, - without any gender discrimination.

Is the 1928 Youth Pledge still relevant in todays global world?

78 years later, in the age of Reformasi, globalization and liberalization, what relevance holds this event for young Indonesians today?

In its Editorial of 28 October 2006, Media Indonesia rues the fact that there is such a wide gap between the old and the young generation, since todays youths have no inkling of how hard were the sacrifices and struggle for our parents and grandparents to wrest freedom for this nation from oppressive colonialism.

Youth Pledge Museum

As a nation also, Indonesians today seem to be suffering from amnesia, having apparently erased all past memory of our history, writes Media Indonesia.

Whereas, at the birth of the Republic, our founding fathers recognized that there will be differences within national unity, nowadays it seems that it is these very differences that are emphasized and become reasons for horizontal conflicts. The ongoing conflict in Poso, is one example. Corruption, illegal logging, the setting ablaze of our precious rainforests, all continue with little regard to the lot of the common man.

Explaining this phenomenon in an article entitled: The Meaning of the Youth Pledge in Building the Indonesian Nation, Prof. Sunaryati Hartono is of the opinion that because of global communication today, plurality within Indonesian society will become even more complex. Therefore, it is natural that this condition is seen to threaten national unity and cohesion. And, if at Independence, Indonesians were grouped by their ethnicity, religion, customs and traditions, in todays globalized world, Indonesian society is now further divided into professional groups, political parties, etc. that tend to awaken premordialism.

The 1928 Youth Pledge was a consensus, a social contract on national unity and solidarity. Thus, if each citizen holds fast to this consensus, our national unity can not be shaken by differences in ethnicity, religion or political convictions. But only for as long as we all adhere to the national consensus made through Sumpah Pemuda, Pancasila, and our national slogan: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, Unity in Diversity.

The pledge

In Indonesian, with the original spelling, the pledge reads:

    Pertama

    Kami poetera dan poeteri Indonesia, mengakoe bertoempah darah jang satoe, 

    tanah air Indonesia.

    Kedoea

    Kami poetera dan poeteri Indonesia, mengakoe berbangsa jang satoe, bangsa Indonesia.

    Ketiga

    Kami poetera dan poeteri Indonesia, mendjoendjoeng bahasa persatoean, bahasa Indonesia.

In English:

    Firstly

    We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one motherland, Indonesia.

    Secondly

    We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one nation, the nation of Indonesia.

    Thirdly

    We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, respect the language of unity, Indonesian.

(Sources: Speeches by Prof. Sunario, Kompas, Media Indonesia) (Tuti Sunario, Indonesia Digest)

http://www.budpar.go.id/page.php?ic=611&id=1910

Marco Simoncelli's last goodbye Funeral

 

CORIANO, Italy -- Thousands of fans filled the streets of Coriano in central Italy on Thursday to pay their final respects to MotoGP rider Marco Simoncelli, whose funeral took place at the Church of Santa Maria Assunta.

The 24-year-old Simoncelli died of chest, head and neck injuries after he lost control of his Honda during Sunday's Malaysian Grand Prix.

Simoncelli's funeral was attended by his friends and family -- his father, Paolo; mother Rossella; sister Martina -- as well as stars of the sport, such as Valentino Rossi, Mattia Pasini, Jorge Lorenzo and Randy De Puniet.

"The night before your last race you said you wanted to win the Grand Prix, because there on the podium everyone could see you better," Bishop Francesco Lambiasi of Rimini said. "Now it pains us not to be able to see you, but it gives us peace and so much joy to know that we are being looked down on by you from the highest podium of them all.

"I also want to sign the banner that says, 'Marco, teach the angels to do wheelies.' "
The hearse arrived at the church in the afternoon and was greeted with applause from thousands of people who had been gathering in the square outside the church since morning. The square also was filled with balloons and banners bearing 58, Simoncelli's number.

 

Beside Simoncelli's coffin at the altar were two motorcycles -- one that he rode to win the 250cc championship in 2008, and another used this season.
 
The funeral was broadcast live on big screens
outside the church on various Italian TV stations and to more than 10,000 people gathered at the nearby Misano Adriatico circuit.

At the end of the service, seven-time world champion Rossi revved the engine of Simoncelli's Honda and then wheeled it out as a tribute to his close friend, to the sound of Vasco Rossi's "Siamo solo noi" -- Simoncelli's favorite song.

Simoncelli was a rising star in the sport who, with his trademark mop of curly hair, was beloved by Italy's legions of motorcycle-racing fans.

More than 10,000 had lined up in the rain Wednesday for a public viewing of his coffin in the city theater of his hometown.



http://espn.go.com/racing/story/_/id/7156036/thousands-pay-respects-funeral-motogp-marco-simoncelli

Marco Simoncelli DROPPED Whilst being Carried to the Ambulance

Marco Simoncelli October '23

Colorful, controversial, but above all, fast. That was Marco Simoncelli in a nutshell. No tribute to the man here, so many others have done it, and far better than I ever could. I recommend reading Kevin Schwantz' thoughts on Simoncelli over on the excellent Superbikeplanet site, and in Spanish, a touching story by Spanish TV editor and one of the nicest people in the paddock, Ruben Fernandez.

 And now Marco Simoncelli is dead, killed in a tragic accident at Sepang, struck from behind by Colin Edwards and Valentino Rossi after losing control of his Honda. The crash was all too reminiscent of the crash that proved fatal to Shoya Tomizawa at Misano in September 2010, another incident that left the paddock stunned and lost for words. There, too, a rider lost control of their bike, crashing directly in front of other riders who had neither the time nor the space to avoid hitting him.

So similar are the two incidents that it is worth going back to the Tomizawa crash at Misano and comparing it with Simoncelli's accident at Sepang. Though Tomizawa's death hit the paddock hard, along with many hardcore motorcycle racing fans, it largely went unnoticed among the general public, as Tomizawa was killed in the Moto2 race, a support class and not the main show. Simoncelli was already a global star, racing in the biggest motorcycle racing show on earth, so naturally, his death generated a lot more coverage and raised many more questions. But the responses to Tomizawa's crash may prove instructive for both the mindset of the people involved and the direction that racing should take after Simoncelli's tragic accident.

Perhaps the first question that many are asking is how such an accident could happen, and whether it could have been avoided. The answer to that is simple: it cannot. With bikes racing so closely together at high speed, collisions are inevitable if the leading rider makes a mistake and either crashes or loses control of his machine. As Valentino Rossi said after Tomizawa's crash at Misano in 2010, "At 240 km/h, when a bike crash in front of you there is nothing you can do. They are just in the wrong place at the wrong moment."

And when riders are struck by bikes following behind, rider protection is as good as useless. With 150kg motorcycles travelling at well over 200 km/h, the amount of stored energy released in the impact is so massive that there is no way it can be absorbed and dispersed safely. The current state of material technology cannot deal with the energies released by being struck in the chest, as Tomizawa was, or in the back and neck, as Simoncelli was, by a racing motorcycle traveling at high speed.
What is remarkable is how very rarely serious injury occurs from these crashes. Just over an hour before Simoncelli's fatal accident, Axel Pons fell directly in front of Kenny Noyes during the Moto2 race. It was impossible for Noyes to avoid Pons, and he hit the Spaniard. Pons was knocked unconscious, and taken to the hospital were he was diagnosed with a concussion, and some minor cranial bleeding. But he has recovered well enough to be able to fly back to Spain either today or on Wednesday.

In a strange way, Simoncelli's death underlines just how safe motorcycle racing has become. There is now ample runoff at almost every circuit, with crash barriers either removed or pushed back a long way, obstacles removed and air fence covering ever more of the barriers that do remain around circuits. Along with this, safety equipment such as leathers, back protectors, boots, gloves and helmets have improved by such an extent that when news appears of a rider being "seriously injured" in a crash, it usually means they have broken an arm or a leg. Riders suffering spinal injuries are a rarity, fatalities now very rare indeed. There have been some thirteen deaths on closed circuits over the past twenty years at national and international level. Compare this with one-day eventing, where approximately 37 fatalities were recorded at national and international level during the ten year period between 1997 and 2008; in the same period, just nine motorcycle racers died.

That does not mean that there is no room for improvement in track safety, however. Much has been made of the handling of both Simoncelli and Tomizawa after their respective crashes, especially as both of them were dropped in the gravel while being removed from the track and taken to a nearby ambulance. In neither instance did being dropped make any difference to the outcomes - the injuries to both Tomizawa and Simoncelli were so severe that they were never going to survive them - but they do raise questions about both the level of training of the marshals and medical staff, and whether a fallen rider should be treated where he falls (either on the track or in the gravel) or first transported to an ambulance where they can be given better treatment than at trackside.

There are two schools of thought about attending to fallen riders, which can be summarized as 1: get the rider to medical equipment as soon as possible; and 2: get medical equipment to the rider as soon as possible. The decision that a first responder makes - in this case, always a doctor or paramedic with extensive experience of emergency medicine - is influenced by the seriousness of the situation, and by their judgment of the best option for the injured rider. That may in turn be affected by the medical regulations laid out in the MotoGP rulebook, and so it is worth summarizing those rules.
In the event of a crash, trained medical staff have to reach a fallen rider within 30 seconds. They assess the situation, and make a call to the Chief Medical Officer (CMO) to inform them of the severity of the rider's injuries. There are four response codes, but only the two most severe (Code 2 and Code 3) may require the intervention of the CMO. In the case of a Code 3 (medical intervention required on track), the CMO can ask the Race Director to allow an ambulance on the track, which the Race Director can then give permission for and arrange. Ambulances at a MotoGP race must be able to reach a fallen rider within 2 minutes.

It is conceivable that because of those 2 minutes, the doctors attending fallen riders are quicker to decide to move the rider to the medical equipment waiting at the medical post (usually at or close to every corner post), rather than wait for an ambulance to arrive on track to attend to the rider. Injuries sufficiently serious to require the equipment at the medical posts or in the ambulances generally need to be treated as fast as possible. The doctor attending at the scene has to make an immediate call on the best course of action: take the rider to the post or bring out an ambulance.

To the untrained observer - something which I freely admit I am - it seems that the best course of action is to wait for the ambulance to attend. The problem is that by then, it may be too late. Especially if they have been hit by another bike, an injured rider may have multiple, life-threatening injuries. They are likely to have both spinal injuries and blunt force trauma, including injured internal organs and internal bleeding. The best thing to do in the case of a spinal injury is to immobilize the rider and move them only with the utmost care; in this case waiting for an ambulance is the best thing to do. But if they also have massive internal bleeding, no pulse and no breathing, then getting them to equipment where they can have breathing passages cleared and heart massage or resuscitation becomes paramount.

This is a process in the medical profession known as triage, which entails prioritizing injuries by their seriousness, and dealing with the most dangerous first. But the energies involved in racing crashes mean that riders often have several injuries which are all life-threatening. A doctor has to make a split-second decision as quickly as possible, and only that doctor ever knows exactly what state the injured rider was when they arrived at the scene.

However, this kind of decision is common for the doctors and paramedics at the race track, all of whom have to have experience of emergency medical care, and used to dealing with seeing seriously injured patients. We have no way of knowing what their thought processes are in a particular decision, but it is likely that the speed at which an ambulance can be present is likely to be a factor. If they judge that 2 minutes is too long to wait for equipment on the track, they will call for riders to be stretchered off the track, where ambulances can reach them much more quickly, having only to use the service roads and not wait for the track to be cleared of bikes before traveling to the scene.

So there may be a case for tightening up this limit. In the BSB series, a decision was taken some time ago to reduce this amount to 90 seconds, this time including the amount of time needed to start delivering the treatment once help has arrived. In practice, this means that an ambulance has to be able to arrive by a stricken rider and start administering treatment within 90 seconds of being called. The difference may not seem much, but those 30 seconds are vital in the case of critical injuries.

What was perhaps more significant in the BSB series was that a number of emergency response drills were put together and the medical staff then practiced carrying them out. In situations such as the one on Sunday, it is not just knowing what to do which is important, but having practiced it several times beforehand.

This, then, is one area where MotoGP may be able to learn from BSB. Dropping riders from a stretcher should never happen, but it may perhaps be put down to a lack of regular practice by the stretcher bearers - usually trained paramedics, and distinguished by a red vest instead of an orange one worn by the ordinary marshals. Several training exercises carrying a weighted stretcher through the gravel may help to prevent such a situation from happening again.

One fact, however, has also been overlooked. The fact that both Tomizawa and Simoncelli were dropped suggest that it is one thing to handle a stretcher, but quite another to handle a stretcher on which a badly injured rider is being carried. Adrenaline may overtake reflexes, and cause stretcher bearers to stumble and fall. There has been a lot of criticism from fans about the handling of the situation, but without having been in that situation yourself, faced with the fear, panic and urgency to try to help as quickly as possible, it is a little unfair to suggest that you would have handled it better.
Certainly, Paolo Simoncelli, Marco's father, who saw the crash happen right in front of him and saw the way his son's body was handled, had no complaints. Speaking to Italian TV he said he knew his son was gone as soon as the accident happened.

There is perhaps a case for at least part of the staff of corner workers to consist of permanent staff employed by Dorna. They could coach and assist the local staff, and run them through the practice drills necessary to ensure the best possible care on track for the riders.

This, and many other questions, will no doubt be discussed at Valencia, when Race Direction will meet with Dorna and the FIM to discuss the handling of the situation. As they did after the death of Shoya Tomizawa, lessons will be learned from what went wrong, in the hope of handling a similar situation better in the future. It would be better if such a situation were never to occur, but best of all is to be prepared for it anyway.

The internet chatter about Simoncelli's handling was not the only speculation. Just a few hours after Simoncelli's death had been announced, rumors started emerging that Valentino Rossi would retire. The rumors appears to have started after Steve Parrish speculated that Rossi could retire in his tribute to Marco Simoncelli. From there, they took on a life of their own, at least until Rossi's manager Davide Brivio woke up to find his Twitter feed ablaze with questions about Rossi's retirement. He, and Rossi's close friend Alessio "Uccio" Salucci immediately issued a denial, and expressed their anger at the rumors. Rossi himself dealt with the situation with his typical humor, facing a crowd of reporters when he landed in Italy, and denying that he ever said anything about retiring. It was probably someone writing that just to sell some newspapers, he quipped.

But to even suggest that a rider might consider retiring after Simoncelli's death is to fail to understand the mind of a motorcycle racer. Racers race, that is what they do, that is what they love, and that is what they would have others do. On the Sunday night at Misano last year, the night after Tomizawa was killed, we reporters asked Nicky Hayden whether he thought it was the right decision to run the MotoGP race, which took place after Tomizawa had been fatally injured in the Moto2 race. "Was it right to do the race? I don't want to get into that, but I've always been taught you race, almost out of respect," Hayden said. "It's tragic, but we are motorcycle racers. In some ways, if it was me, I would want the show to go on, I wouldn't want them to hold up the race on my account".

The riders know and fully understand the risks, accepting them, though believing that the worst will never happen to them. "We know stuff can happen," Hayden said at Misano, "But it's racing and we choose to do it." Speaking to Italian television on Tuesday, Simoncelli's girlfriend explained that his attitude was always that risk was a part of racing. "At every race where someone got injured, he would say 'hey, that's racing, if you don't want to get hurt then you should stay at home.'"

So to suggest that any rider might retire after this, even Valentino Rossi, a close friend to Simoncelli and directly involved in the accident in which his friend was killed, is to completely miss the point. To suggest that the Valencia MotoGP race should be canceled in Marco Simoncelli's honor is to utterly misunderstand what Simoncelli would have wanted. Racers race, and to deprive Marco Simoncelli's friends and rivals of the one thing that he loved passionately enough to risk and give his life for does not honor him, it goes against everything that Simoncelli loved and lived for.

Back in September 2010, Marco Simoncelli raced at Misano, knowing that Shoya Tomizawa had been seriously injured in a crash, learning that Tomizawa had died while he was out racing in MotoGP. Two weeks later, Simoncelli stood in line with the rest of the paddock at Aragon, holding a minute's silence in memory of Tomizawa. And then he climbed aboard his Honda, and he did what he knew Shoya Tomizawa loved, lived for and died doing: he raced.

And so shall I, in my own way. From tomorrow, I will return to writing about the world of racing, the world that Marco Simoncelli loved so passionately despite the risks, the world that I love so passionately despite the risks. I know that before I retire, I will be writing about the death of another young star, a talent taken before his time, before he had realized his potential. I will try to write about it with the passion that Simoncelli showed so spectacularly on track. There is much to write about, not least the painful question of who will take Simoncelli's place at Gresini next year.

Writing about this sport, supporting this sport, promoting this sport, that shall be my tribute to Marco Simoncelli. Keeping his memory alive, and keeping the sport which he loved alive are the best way to honor the wild man of MotoGP. I know that many of you are grieving at his loss, but I invite you to join me in living out the passion which you shared with Marco for motorcycle racing. Marco lives on through his friends, his family, and his fans, and perhaps most of all, Marco lives on in racing. His bike may be missing from the grid, but his spirit races on.

Source :
http://www.motomatters.com/blog/2011/10/25/editor_s_blog_on_the_death_of_marco_simo.html
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jRy8nPgPKlA

P-82 Twin Mustang

Extending the escort range

Long range escort missions led to a problem that was no issue in earlier fighters: pilot fatigue. Sitting in a tight cockpit for up to 8 hours is one thing, managing fuel from takeoff untill landing, flying formation and the constant stress of air combat all (often in poor European weather conditions) combined was enough to drain pilots completely. On more than one occasion, pilots had to be helped out of their cockpit when they returned to base.

Further more, the USAAF was looking for fighters with even more range than the P-51 to operate in the extreme long escort missions, escorting B-29s on missions exceeding 2,000 miles over the Pacific (from the Solomons or Philippines to Tokyo).

NAA's Edgar Schmued came up with the idea to link two Mustangs together with a common center wing and horizontal stabilizer in November of 1943. In January of 1944, US General Herny H. “Hap” Arnold was shown the concept and became enthousiastic with the idea. As a result, NAA was given the go-ahead to proceed with the design. 

The North American P-82 Twin Mustang (NA-120) was born. As it turned out, the Marines captured islands close enough to Japan that P-51s were easily able to escort the B-29s all the way to Japan and back. As a result, P-82s never saw combat during WWII.

Design and Development

Initially intended as a very long-range (VLR) escort fighter, the F-82 was designed to escort Boeing B-29 Superfortress bombers on missions exceeding 2,000 mi (3,219 km) from the Solomons or Philippines to Tokyo, missions beyond the range of the Lockheed P-38 Lightning and conventional P-51 Mustangs. Such missions were part of the planned U.S. invasion of the Japanese home islands, which was forestalled by the surrender of Japan days after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

The second prototype North American XP-82 Twin Mustang (44-83887) being flight-tested at Muroc Army Airfield, California.

In October 1943, the North American Aircraft design team began work on a fighter design that could travel over 2,000 mi (3,219 km) without refueling. It consisted of a two-fuselage design, somewhat similar to the experimental German Messerschmitt Bf 109Z "Zwilling". Although based on the lightweight experimental XP-51F, which would later become the P-51H Mustang, it was actually an entirely new design. North American Design Chief Edgar Schmued incorporated two P-51H Mustang fuselages lengthened by the addition of a 57 in (145 cm) fuselage plug located behind the cockpit where additional fuel tanks and equipment could be installed. These were mounted to a newly designed center wing section containing the same six .50 in (12.7 mm) M2 Browning machine guns as a single-engine Mustang, but with more concentrated fire. The outer wings were strengthened to allow the addition of hard points for carrying additional fuel or 1,000 lb (454 kg) of ordnance. The two vertical tails were also from the XP-51F, but incorporated large dorsal fillets for added stability in case of an engine failure. The aircraft had a standard landing gear with both wheels retracting into bays under each fuselage center section.

The XP-82 was to be powered by two Packard-built Rolls-Royce V-1650 Merlin engines. Initially, the left engine was a V-1650-23 with a gear reduction box to allow the left propeller to turn opposite to the right propeller, which was driven by the more conventional V-1650-25. In this arrangement both propellers would turn upward as they approached the center wing, which in theory would have allowed better single-engine control. This proved not to be the case when the aircraft refused to become airborne during its first flight attempt. After a month of work North American engineers finally discovered that rotating the propellers to meet in the center on their upward turn created sufficient drag to cancel out all lift from the center wing section, one quarter of the aircraft's total wing surface area. The engines and propellers were then exchanged, with their rotation meeting on the downward turn, and the problem was fully solved. The first XP-82 prototype (44-83886) was completed on 25 May 1945, and made the type's first successful flight on 26 June 1945. This aircraft was accepted by the Army Air Forces on 30 August 1945. AAF officials were so impressed by the aircraft while still in development that they ordered the first production P-82Bs in March 1945, fully three months before the aircraft's first flight.

Prototype XP-82s, P-82Bs and P-82Es retained both fully equipped cockpits so that pilots could fly the aircraft from either position, alternating control on long flights, while later night fighter versions kept the cockpit on the left side only, placing the radar operator in the right position.

Twin Mustangs in production at North American, 1948.

Although some P-82B airframes were completed before the end of World War II, most remained at the North American factory in California waiting for engines until 1946. As a result, none saw service during the war.

Like the P-51 Mustang, the first two prototype XP-82s, as well as the next 20 P-82B models were powered by British-designed Rolls-Royce Merlin engines, built under license by Packard. These provided the fighter with excellent range and performance; however, the Army had always wanted to give the Twin Mustang a purely American and stronger engine than the foreign-designed P-51's V-1650 (built at Packard plants, dismantled after the war). In addition, the licensing costs paid to Rolls-Royce for each V-1650 were being increased by Britain after the war. It therefore negotiated in August 1945 with the Allison Division of the General Motors Corporation for a new version of the Allison V-1710-100 engine. This forced North American to switch subsequent production P-82C and later models to the lower-powered engines. It was found that Allison-powered P-82 models demonstrated a lower top speed and poorer high-altitude performance than the earlier Merlin-powered versions. The earlier P-82B models were designated as trainers, while the "C" and later models were employed as fighters, making the P-82 one of the few aircraft in U.S. military history to be faster in its trainer version than the fighter version.

Record-setting

On 27 February 1947, a P-82B 44-65168 named Betty Jo and flown by Colonel Robert E. Thacker made history when it flew nonstop from Hawaii to New York without refueling, a distance of 5,051 mi (8,129 km) in 14 hr 32 min (347.5 mph/559.2 km/h). This flight tested the P-82's range. The aircraft carried a full internal fuel tank of 576 gal (2,180 l), augmented by four 310 gal (1,173 l) tanks for a total of 1,816 gal (6,874 l). Also, Colonel Thacker forgot to drop three of his external tanks when their fuel was expended, landing with them in New York.

To this day, it remains the longest nonstop flight ever made by a propeller-driven fighter, and the fastest such a distance has ever been covered in a piston-engined aircraft (the record for the longest unrefueled flight by a propeller-driven aircraft of any type is held by the Rutan Voyager). The aircraft chosen was an earlier "B" model powered by Rolls-Royce Merlin engines (see "Survivors" below).

Operational History

 The Twin Mustang was developed at the end of the prop-driven fighter era and at the dawn of the jet age. Its designed role as a long-range fighter escort was eliminated by the atomic bombing of Japan and the sudden end of World War II. With the rapid draw-down of the armed forces after the war, the newly established United States Air Force had little money for new prop-driven aircraft, especially since jets, such as the Messerschmitt Me 262 and other Luftwaffe fighters had been faster than P-51 Mustangs in the skies of Germany in late 1944. The completed airframes (less engines) of the P-82 pre-production aircraft already manufactured by North American were in storage with an uncertain future.

However, during the 1947 Soviet Aviation Day display at Tushino Airport, a surprise appearance was put in by three four-engined long-range strategic bombers. They were early examples of the Tupolev Tu-4, which was a bolt-for-bolt copy of the Boeing B-29 Superfortress, three examples of which had been interned in the Soviet Union after having been forced to land there during bombing raids against Japan. Since the USSR was expected soon to have nuclear weapons, the appearance of the Soviet Tu-4 was a shock to US military planners, since it meant that the US mainland might soon be vulnerable to nuclear attack from the air.

Until jet interceptors could be developed and put into service, the Twin Mustangs already built were seen as an interim solution to SAC's fighter escort mission for its strategic bomber force and also as an all-weather air defense interceptor.

Early attempts to develop jet-powered all-weather fighters ran into a series of snags and delays. The XP-87 Blackhawk had been ordered in December 1945, but it ran into developmental difficulties and the project was eventually totally abandoned in October 1948. The Northrop P-89 Scorpion was deemed to have greater promise, but it too ran into teething troubles and did not show promise of entering service until 1952 at the earliest. Due to the lack of any suitable jet-powered replacement, the wartime Northrop P-61 Black Widow night fighter was forced into this role, and in order to help fill in the gap until the Scorpion could be available, night fighter adaptations of the piston-engined North American P-82 Twin Mustang were developed and deployed.

On 11 June 1948, the newly formed United States Air Force eliminated the P-for-pursuit category and replaced it with F-for-fighter. Subsequently, all P-82s were re-designated F-82.

Far East Air force

In the years following World War II, the Northrop P-61 Black Widow was the Far East Air Forces (FEAF) primary air defense interceptor. However, a chronic lack of spare parts and constant maintenance made it difficult to keep the war-weary aircraft in the air. Until an all-weather jet interceptor was available, the F-82G Twin Mustang was seen as the interim solution. The last operational P-61s were sent by the 68th and 339th Fighter (All Weather) Squadrons to the reclamation yard at Tachikawa Air Base in February 1950, with Twin Mustangs arriving as replacement aircraft.
In Far East Air Forces, there were three squadrons operating the Twin Mustang consisting of 45 aircraft. The 4th Fighter (All Weather) Squadron was attached to the 51st Fighter-Interceptor Wing at Naha Air Base, Okinawa, with the mission of providing air defense within the Twentieth Air Force's area of responsibility during hours of darkness and inclement weather. The 68th F(AW)S area would cover southern Japan from their base at Itazuke and the 8th Fighter Bomber Wing, with the 339th F(AW)S covering Tokyo and northern Japan from Johnson Air Base. FEAF had about 40 Twin Mustangs assigned to the command.

With the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950, the F-82 was pressed into operational combat duty. On the night of 24/25 June 1950, 68th Fighter Squadron F-82 aircrews standing alert at Itazuke AB were notified at 0400 that FEAF had received a report that North Korea had crossed the 38th Parallel and their mission was to fly to the area and report back on any activity seen on the main roads and railroads. When the alert aircraft reached the area it was overcast with cloud tops at about 8,000 ft (2,438 m). Using their airborne search radar, the Twin Mustangs flew through the clouds and broke out at about 2,000 ft (610 m), heading for Kimpo Airfield near Seoul. The pilots observed huge convoys of North Korean trucks and other vehicles, including 58 tanks which had crossed into South Korea. Heading back into the clouds and turning back to Japan, the crews returned to Itazuke AB where they were debriefed by a U.S. Army colonel from General Douglas MacArthur's staff. This reconnaissance flight was later recorded as the first combat mission flown in the Korean War.

Farewell from family of Air Force Capt. Johnnie Gosnell, flying with the 68th All-Weather Fighter Interceptor Squadron at Itazuke AB Japan to fly on a combat mission over Korea.

With this information, along with other intelligence reports available to them, FEAF confirmed that the Korean People's Army had, indeed, launched a full-scale invasion of South Korea. FEAF's first priority, however, was to evacuate United States citizens. On the morning of 26 June, the nearby Norwegian freighter Reinholte was sent to Inchon harbor to evacuate non-military personnel from Seoul, which lay directly in the invasion route. A flight of Twin Mustangs from the 68th F(AW)S were dispatched to the area, arriving at dawn to provide air protection for the evacuation. Two of the F-82s were dispatched to fly over the road from Seoul, while others flew Top Cover over the Inchon docks. The patrol went without incident until about 1300, when a pair of Soviet-built aircraft (the exact aircraft type has never been determined) came out of the clouds. Orders given to the F-82 pilots prohibited any aggressive action; however, the gun switches were activated when the leader tightened up his turn and peeled off at the F-82s with his wing man in close tail. The F-82s dropped their external tanks, turned on combat power and started a climbing turn towards the North Korean aircraft. For some reason, the North Korean leader fired while too far away with his bullets falling short of the Twin Mustangs. The F-82s pulled up into the clouds and above the overcast, putting them in a position to return fire if the North Koreans followed them. However, they did not, and no further contact was made for the rest of the day. The evacuation at Inchon was successfully carried out with a total of 682 civilians being transported to Sasebo, Japan.

Flight of 339th FS F-82Gs (46-403, 46-390, 46-366, 46-394) heading to Korea in June 1950.

Once the bulk of civilians had been evacuated out of South Korea by ship, the priority of FEAF changed to a military nature. The 339th F(AW)S received orders from Fifth Air Force to move all available aircraft, along with crews and equipment to Itazuke Air Base to assist the 68th in providing air cover for the evacuation of Seoul. However, the 339th's complement of aircraft were scattered over several bases at the time. Seven F-82s were at Yokota AB which were flyable and two were in the hangar undergoing maintenance for major repairs. Four other F-82s were at Misawa AB on TDY. The three at Yokota were dispatched immediately to Itazuke and well as the four at Misawa making a total of seven combat ready F-82Gs present for duty on 27 June. The 68th F(AW)S had a total of 12 operational F-82Gs. This, combined with what the 339th could contribute was insufficient to meet the combat needs thrust upon FEAF. The F-80 Shooting Star was available, but its thirsty jet engine meant it could only remain over the airfield for a few minutes before having to return to base and could not reach the forward combat area from Japan. No USAF P-51 Mustangs were available, and the British Commonwealth had not yet made a decision to commit to combat Korea, making the Australian Mustangs in Japan academic at this critical situation. FEAF ordered Twentieth Air Force to send eight F-82s from its 4th F(AW)S from Okinawa to Itazuke making a total of 27 F-82s available for combat duty. This was commendable, considering that on 31 May 1950, a total of 32 F-82s existed within FEAF. With these combined squadrons, the 347th Provisional Fighter Group (AW) was formed.

Before dawn on 27 June, the 347th Provisional Group was up in the air over Korea, with a mission to provide cover for the Douglas C-54 Skymaster transports flying in and out of Kimpo Airfield safely as they moved the last civilians out. Fearing that the North Korean Air Force might try to shoot down the transport (a C-54 had been destroyed on the ground at Kimpo by North Korean fighters on 25 June), the Air Force requested air cover to protect the aircraft during takeoff. Fortunately, 339th Fighter All Weather Squadron (F(AW)S) with their F-82Gs were based at Yokota AB and the 68th F(AW)S was based at Itazuke AB Japan. With Lieutenant Colonel John F. Sharp in command, 27 F-82Gs of the 35 in Japan answered the call. Arriving in the early morning, they orbited Kimpo Airfield in three flights, each above the other. Suddenly, at 1150 hours, a mixed lot of five North Korean fighters (Soviet-built Yak-9s, Yak-11s and La-7s) appeared, heading for the airfield. One of the Yak-11s immediately scored several hits on 68th F(AW)S pilot Lt. Charles Moran's vertical stabilizer. Moments later, Lt. William G. "Skeeter" Hudson, also of the 68th F(AW)S, initiated a high-G turn to engage the Yak. Soon Hudson was closing in on the Yak's tail. He then fired a short burst at close range, scoring hits with his six .50 in (12.7 mm) machine guns. The Yak banked hard to the right, with the F-82G in close pursuit. A second burst hit the Yak's right wing, setting the gas tank on fire and knocking off the right flap and aileron. The North Korean pilot bailed out, but his observer, who was either dead or badly wounded, remained in the doomed aircraft. Parachuting down to Kimpo Airfield, the North Korean pilot was immediately surrounded by South Korean soldiers. Surprisingly, he pulled out a pistol and began firing at them. The South Korean soldiers returned fire, killing the pilot. Moments later, Lt. Moran shot down an La-7 over the airfield, while a few miles away, Major James W. Little, commanding officer of the 339th F(AW)S, shot down another La-7. The C-54 was able to escape safely. Of the five North Korean aircraft dispatched, only two returned to their base. In the process, Lt. William G. "Skeeter" Hudson, with his radar operator Lt. Carl Fraiser, had scored the first aerial "kill" of the Korean War.

46-363 and unidentified 68th FS F-82G on the alert ramp at Kimpo AB, South Korea

Considering these crews had not been extensively trained in air-to-air gunnery, they came out of combat looking very good. It is generally believed that the aircraft Hudson and Fraiser flew that day was an F-82G named "Bucket of Bolts" (s/n 46-383), as their usual aircraft was down for repairs. "Bucket of Bolts" would survive the Korean War and eventually be reassigned to escort duty in Alaska. It is believed to have been scrapped at Ladd AFB, Alaska in 1953.

General characteristics

• Crew: 2
• Length: 42 ft 9 in (12.93 m)
• Wingspan: 51 ft 3 in (15.62 m)
• Height: 13 ft 10 in (4.22 m)
• Wing area: 408 ft² (37.90 m²)
• Empty weight: 15,997 lb (7,271 kg)
• Max takeoff weight: 25,591 lb (11,632 kg)
• Powerplant: 2 × Allison V-1710-143/145 counter-rotating liquid-cooled V12 engines, 1,380 hp takeoff (1,029 kW each) each

Performance

• Maximum speed: 482 mph (400 kn, 740 km/h) at 21,000 ft (6,400 m)
• Range: 2,350 mi (1,950 nmi, 3,605 km)
• Service ceiling: 38,900 ft (11,855 m)

Armament

• Guns: 6 × .50 in (12.7 mm) Browning M2 machine guns
• Rockets: 25 × 5 in (127 mm) rockets
• Bombs: 4,000 lb (1,800 kg)